Monday, 25 October 2010

Sinhalese Settlements and Forced Evictions of Tamils in the North-East Province

The planned settlement of Sinhalese peasants in the North-East Province has threatened the economic, social and cultural future of Sri Lanka’s Tamils and undermined the political power they have wielded in the province where they have a long-established history of settlement. Don Stephen Senanayake, the first Prime Minister of independent Sri Lanka, started the initial phase of the planned settlement of Sinhalese in the Dry Zone in the 1930’s, when he was the Minister of Agriculture and Lands in the colonial government.

While the stated objectives of colonization were to alleviate the problems of landless peasants in the Wet Zone and increase food production, he also regarded peasant colonization as a means of aiding the Sinhalese people to return to the land of their ancient civilization. Sinhalese leaders believed that the Dry Zone could be restored to its former glory if new irrigation projects were constructed, old tanks and channels restored, and large numbers of peasants settled throughout the Dry Zone. Tamil leaders accused the government of formulating a policy on peasant colonization designed to change the ethnic composition of the Tamil-dominated areas, but Sinhalese extremists insisted that it was anti-national to take up an attitude that any area of Ceylon is to be specifically reserved for any particular community or that any particular community should be excluded from any part of Ceylon. Mick Moore, commenting on the government’s policy on colonization and its impact on the Tamil-speaking people writes:

For not only have large-scale irrigation schemes intruded Sinhalese settlers into areas formerly occupied by Tamil speakers--Sri Lanka Tamils or Muslims--but this has been the conscious and admitted intention. There is thus the territorial dimension to what has been termed, in relation to Sinhalese political and cultural resurgence,`The Myth of Reconquest'. Land policy, and the ideologies which support it, have in general focused much more on the control of land than on the cultivation of or use of land.(2)

Mick Moore also states that D. S. Senanayake's zeal in promoting colonization and irrigation development in the Dry Zone resulted in the infusion of Sinhalese nationalism with the vision that the colonization of the Dry Zone was a return to the heartland of the ancient irrigation civilization of the Sinhalese.

Janice Jiggins indicates that D. S. Senanayake desired his name to be associated with King Parakrama Bahu, who was responsible for restoring tanks and reviving the agricultural system which was destroyed by the Malabars (Tamils). Therefore, there is every reason to believe that the large-scale irrigation and colonization projects in the Dry Zone were initiated in the 1930s to restore the area to its former glory.

The Government secured funds from local and foreign sources to launch massive projects to eradicate malaria, clear land for agriculture, restore irrigation works, construct roads that linked peasant colonies to markets and towns, and built homes for colonists. Peasant colonists also received government subsidies and allowances for the purchase of farm implements and buffaloes, as well as for cultivation. Thousands of Sinhalese peasants were moved from the densely populated Southwestern Zone to areas of the northern and eastern Dry Zone, including areas regarded by Tamils to be within their traditional homeland.

Extent of Sinhalese colonization of Tamil Districts.
An analysis of ethnic composition of Tamil-majority districts indicates that between 1953 and 1981 Sinhalese population in the Trincomalee District increased by 465%, while the Tamil population increased by only 149% during the same period. Moreover, the Sinhalese population in the Eastern Province, as a whole, increased by 435% while the Tamil population increased by a mere 145% during the same period. In the Northern Province, Sinhalese population increased by 137%, while the Tamil population increased by only 92% during the same period. Moreover, the Tamil population did not exceed 10% of the total population in any of the Sinhalese-majority districts in 1981, whereas the Sinhalese population in the Tamil-majority districts of Vavuniya, Trincomalee, and Amparai are as high as 16.55%, 33.62%, and 37.5%, respectively. Indeed, Sinhalese colonization has changed the ethnic composition of Tamil-majority districts and reduced the size of the area Sri Lankan Tamils regard as their traditional homeland.

Ethnic Cleansing Started in Amparai District. Tamils did not object to the movement of Sinhalese peasants from the wet zone to the no-man's land as long as the colonization schemes were established in predominantly Sinhalese-majority districts. Unfortunately, deliberate measures were adopted by the government to establish Sinhalese peasant colonies in Tamil-majority districts. Sinhalese politicians and scholars are reluctant to admit that the government’s policy regarding the selecting of sites for peasant settlements and selecting colonists to these settlements were carefully manipulated to ensure that new colonization schemes were not only established in Tamil districts, but they also constituted predominantly of Sinhalese. Even the ethnically-mixed peasant colonies were transformed into exclusively Sinhalese colonies during the horrible period of repeated anti-Tamil riots from 1956 to 1983, because the government failed to prevent Sinhalese mobs from forcefully evacuating hundreds of Tamil settlers. The ethnic cleansing of the peasant colonies was, in some instances, conducted with the assistance of the security forces and home guards. In Gal Oya, one of the major colonizations schemes established in the Eastern province, Tamils and Muslims were either killed or driven out of these colonies by marauding Sinhalese mobs, retail traders, laborers, and squatters who had encroached on these colonization schemes illegally. By 1981, most of the Assistant Government Agent Divisions in the western parts of the Eastern Province were transformed into almost exclusively Sinhalese majority areas. Sinhalese colonization in the Eastern Province resulted in the creation of two Sinhalese electorates by the late 1970s

Ethnic Cleansing: The Tragedy of Manal Aru. Sinhalese scholars insist that peasant colonies were only established in the sparsely populated western interior of the Eastern Province, but by late 1970's, an area in the Northern Province which has a long history of settlement by Sri Lanka’s Tamils became the site of exclusively Sinhalese peasant settlers. In order to establish this colony, the government evacuated more than 3,000 Tamil families from the Thannimurippu Colony and its vicinity under the Accelerated Mahaveli Development scheme since the late 1970s. This development scheme involved augmentation of the supply of water in the Manal Aru, by transferring water from the Mahaveli Ganga via other rivers and channels.

Forced Evacuation of Indian Tamil Refugees.

The most vicious of the killings occurred in November 1984, along the border of the Vavuniya District where Tamil settlers were gradually being replaced by Sinhalese settlers. In one of the most inhumane acts committed by the government, hundreds of Indian Tamils were driven out of two privatefarms, Kent Farm and Dollar Farm. These two settlements were established in 1977 with the help of voluntary organizations, such as the Gandhian Society and the Tamil Refugee Rehabilitations Organization, in order to provide refuge to Indian Tamils who had fled the central hill country during the anti-Tamil riots of 1977. The military settled four hundred and fifty Sinhalese ex-convicts in the very area that had been the home of Indian Tamils refugees for almost seven years.

It is estimated that almost a quarter of the island's population was moved from the Wet Zone to the Dry Zone between 1946 and 1971, under peasant colonization schemes. These colonization schemes has drastically altered the ethnic composition of Tamil provinces. In particular, Sinhalese population in the Trincomalee District increased from 3.8% to 33.6% of the total between 1911 and 1981. During the same period, the Tamil population decreased from 56.8% to 33.7% in the district. In the Amparai District, Sinhalese population increased from 7.0% to 38%, while the Tamil population declined from 37.0% to 20.0% between 1911 and 1981. This rapid increase in the number of Sinhalese settlers in the Eastern Province led to the creation of the Sinhalese electorates of Seruvila and Amparai in 1976. Even though Tamil leaders consider Sinhalese colonization of Tamil districts as a form of ethnic cleansing, Sinhalese politicians continue to justify the policy on the grounds that Sri Lankan Tamils, like Sinhalese, have been migrating to Sinhalese areas.
Tamil migration into Sinhalese districts, however, has been voluntary and personally financed. Tamils sought residence in Sinhalese areas for the sole purpose of securing white collar jobs, because the Tamil-dominated dry areas of the North and East lack water for successful farming. Moreover, the migration of Sri Lankan Tamils into Sinhalese areas has neither significantly changed the ethnic composition of any Sinhalese districts nor created Tamil electorates in Sinhalese provinces.

Sinhalese nationalists and scholars have even used demographic data to insist that Sinhalese have the right to colonize any districts in the North-East Province because a large percentage of Sri Lanka’s Tamils live in Sinhalese Provinces. They also indicate that substantial number of them have been living outside the Northern and Eastern Provinces when the island was a British colony. This claim cannot be validated because the census data of 1881 suggests that Sri Lanka’s Tamils constituted less than 3.0% of the total population in all the Sinhalese districts, except in Anuradhapura District where they accounted for 4.6% of the total population. They however constituted almost 100% of the population of the Jaffna District and 81%, 64%, 62%, 62%, and 58%, of the population of Vavuniya District, Trincomalee District, Mannar District, and Batticaloa District respectively in the same census year (see Table 1). Tamil-speaking Muslims constituted a substantial portion of the remaining population in these districts while both the Tamils and Muslims constituted 50% and 30% of the population respectively of Amparai District in the 1881. On the other hand, Sinhalese population accounted for less than 5.0% of the total population in all the Tamil- speaking districts, except in the Amparai District where they constituted 18.24% of the total population. The 1981 Census of population data reveal that, except for the Colombo and its suburbs, where the Sri Lankan Tamils accounted for 9.8% of the population, they constituted between less than 1.0% to 3.0% in most Sinhalese Districts. Instead of suggesting that the Sinhalese constituted 94.4 %, 94.6% and 97.4% of the total populations of Galle, Matara, and Hambantota districts, respectively, in 1981. Sinhalese scholars are willing to make a general statement that Sinhalese account for over 90% of the southern lowlands. This statement can imply that Sri Lankan Tamils may account for 8-9% of these populated provinces. There is another statement made in the same paper implying that, excluding the southern lowlands, Sinhalese constitute between 70% and 90% in the remaining Sinhalese-dominated provinces. The 1981 Census data however reveals that Sri Lanka’s Tamil constitute:(a) less than 1.2% of the total population in the Kalutara, Anuradhapura, and Kurunagala districts,(b) less than 2.3% of the total population in Polonnaruwa, Ratnapura, and Kegalle districts,© less than 5% of the total population in Kandy District,(d) less than 6% of the total population in Badulla, Monaragala, and Matale districts, and (e) 6.7% of the total population in the Puttalam District. The granting of citizenship to Tamils of Indian origin in the 1970s gives a false impression that 13% of Nuwara Eliya’s population were Sri Lankan Tamils in 1981. Therefore, the figures presented in the paper were carefully manipulated to give the impression that 27.4% of the Sri Lankan Tamils who live outside the North-East Province are distributed throughout the island as to include all the Sinhalese-dominated districts. Indeed, of the total of 512,332 Sri Lankan Tamils, who lived outside the North-East Province in 1981, 32% and 9% lived in the Colombo District and Gampaha District, respectively. Another 36% resided in the districts of Kandy, Nuwara Eliya, Puttalam and Badulla, but except in the Nuwara Eliya, the Sri Lankan Tamil population constituted between 6% and 10% of each of the other districts. No where is the Sri Lankan Tamil population large enough to drastically alter the ethnic composition of Sinhalese districts. Indeed, Sri Lankan Tamils constituted 4.9%, 6.7%, and 5.7% of the total population of Kandy, Puttalam and Badulla districts, respectively in 1981. Sri Lankan Tamils only accounted for 9.9% of the total population of Colombo district during the same year.

By: Chelvadurai Manogaran
Professor of Geography
University of Wisconsin-Parkside, USA

Rape and murder by Army in Jaffna - un untold gruesome story


What has happened to the twenty four years old Mrs Anita Annaligam, mother of two children kidnapped by the army in the broad day light in the Jaffna town?

Anita was in the LTTE and left the movement soon after the Ceasefire Agreement between the government forces and the LTTE in 2002. She got married and was living a peaceful life detached from any LTTE activities.
She was very pretty and of fair complexion our source confirmed.

The military intelligence came to know she was a LTTE cadre and sent out a message to her to attend their 512 camp in Jaffna. In fear, she did not turn up as ordered.

She was living at Potpathy Road, Kokkuvil with her family.

On the fateful day of March 21, 2008, she was going to the Jaffna General Hospital. She was kidnapped by the army officers on the way and taken to the notorious 512 camp.

She was repeatedly raped by many soldiers and murdered and her body was mutilated with the use of acid. Her face, breasts and her genitalia were disfigured brutally and with the acid. The body was then dumped in an abandoned house in Osmania Road in Jaffna.

The body was found after three days when stench was coming to the neighbouring houses. It was later removed to the Jaffna Hospital mortuary and from there, family took custody of the body and undertook the cremation.

It is now known that the Ranith group within the army had carried out this heinous crime. The group headed by the army officer Ranjith is claimed to have carried several rapes and murders with the impunity and silence observed by the families of the victims.

Kilde: Srilanka Guardian

Make Tamils feel comfortable in their land of birth - Houston Tamil Attorney tells Rajapakse

Attorney George Willy addressing the gathering in Houston, Texas. Next to Sri Lanka president is Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee.
Someone from Australia drew the attention of this correspondent to a welcome address delivered by a Sri Lanka-born Tamil attorney living in Houston, Texas, when Sri Lanka president Mahinda Rajapaksa visited this Deep South American city on September 26 during his engagement with the United Nations General Assembly sessions.

Attorney George WillyThe Australian-domiciled Sri Lankan is a Sinhalese who thought that the welcome address delivered by the Tamil attorney George Willy before a sizeable Sri Lankan community in the Houston area attentively listened by Democratic Party senior Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee was an excellent message to the post-war Sri Lanka.

For the readers benefit Asian Tribune carries the entire text of Mr. George Willy’s address at this Houston gathering organized to felicitate the visiting Sri Lanka president Mahinda Rajapaksa and the First Lady.

Full transcripts of Welcome speech in Houston by Tamil attorney George Willy:

Your Excellency; Mrs. Rajapaksa; Hon. Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee; Hon. Consul General Arora; Distinguished Guests; Ladies and Gentlemen.

Welcome your Excellency to this great city. If you can ignore the oak trees and the mockingbirds, you could easily mistake this for Sri Lanka. It is in Sri Lanka that I was born, and my mother and the parents of my wife Shanti, our grandfathers and our grandmothers are all buried under the sacred soil of my mother land.

I grew up, your Excellency, in Jaffna and moved to Colombo when I was only 10 years old. My wife is from Badulla and grew up in Dhiyathlawa, where her father was a well respected Captain. I have smelt the sweetness of margosa trees in Jaffna and tasted the red jambu fruits that left red stains on my white shirts as I walked to school in Colombo.

I know the lure of jack fruits ripening on the tree as the crows begin to break them open. I have seen the bright colored pandals during Vesak and shamelessly eaten the food at the dhansalas meant for the poor and I have heard the chanting in the Kovils and inhaled the smell of jasmines and the josticks.

I have heard the bells of All Saints Church as I assisted Father Herath during mass.

But since I left Sri Lanka in 1975, there has been such pain, such sorrow and such agony. The mighty Mahaveli Ganga that usually brings its sacred waters to the paddy fields spat out blood, both Sinhalese and Tamil. From up here in the United States, I have watched the land of my forefathers descend from Paradise deep into hell. No one can say with any certainty who is to blame. But the time for blaming is long gone.

Your Excellency, you are descended from Dhuttu Gemunu and my people from Elara. Remember how Dhuttu Gemunu fought Elara on his elephant Kandula and killed Elara. Dhuttu Gemunu, of course, is still remembered for uniting Sri Lanka for the first time.

But he is also remembered for something else. After defeating and killing Elara, he built a monument for Elara out of respect for his worthy opponent. He ordered all citizens of the land to stop, dismount, and pay respect to Elara. In so doing, he not only showed what a great nobleman he was but also proved to be a great politician. He knew that he had to rule the Tamil people too after the defeat of Elara.

Your Excellency, Fate and Fortune and your great political skills have placed you at a unique point in History. Children, in years to come, will read in their history books that a great leader, a great warrior by the name of ‘ Mahinda Rajapaksa’ finally defeated the rebellion after nearly 25 years when several before him failed. They may even say that you are the Dhutu Gemunu of the 21st. Century.

But if you want to wear Gemunu’s mantle, your Excellency, then you will have to build a monument too. That monument does not have to be a Dagoba or a building. It will have to be new policy backed by law with teeth to enforce. Do not make the mistake that sparked the ‘58 riots. Do not hold back Tamil youth who want to get into Universities. Do not make the Tamils feel as though they are second class citizens. Respect their religions and respect their language. There is something about the Tamil people you need to know, Your Excellency. To them their language is God. There are only a few cultures in the world that have such devotion to their language.

You were trained as a lawyer, and in your early career you were a formidable defender of human rights. Now, you have the popularity; you have the power of a hero like Julius Caesar returning to Rome from his conquests. No one can deny you what you ask. Ask the parliament to pass some of the entrenched clauses you and I read in law school when we had to study the Soulbury Constitution. If you need my help, I will give it free as many in this audience would. The Tamil people are naked and hungry looking for you to assure them that there is a place for them. Make sure they have one. You killed one Prabhakaran, but do not let another one grow. You cannot prevent another one with swords and guns. You can only do that with your heart and wisdom. The compassion, truth, and justice you learned from the Buddha are the only weapons you will need.

According to Dhammapada, Buddha said: “Hatred does not cease by hatred at any time: hatred ceases by love, this is an old rule.”

Your Excellency, as you leave this fair city and return to Sri Lanka, promise me that the ten-year-old boy walking to school tomorrow in his white shirt will have no other red stain than from the Jambu fruit, the morning crow will not open anything other than the jack fruit, that there will be nothing else hanging from the margosa tree than the fruits I smelt. Your Excellency, return us to Paradise! Return us to Paradise!

Speech of George Willy
Video clip: 

George R. Willys profile:

Friday, 22 October 2010

Rajapaksa avoiding telephone calls from US State Department and the British government leaders

In a revealing editorial praising President Rajapakse’s arrogance the editor of the Island Newspaper well known for his ascinine and sarcastic attacks on the West, as he earns his “brownie points from the Temple Trees and President’s house occupied by the first family claimed today that President Rajapakse went to the extent of avoiding telephone calls from the US State Department and the British government leaders. He also claimed that “And the real objective of his visit to Jordan, while the war was raging, was to prevent the UNSG from coming here”. If this was indeed the attitude and arrogance of President Rajapakse, and there is no doubt to dispute such shocking claims of the editor it is no wonder 16 months after the war ended against the Tamils and the LTTE, with 40,000 Tamil civilians dead, 60,000 injured and 300,000 incarcerated no world leader want to shake the blood stained hands of President Rajapakse in garments soaked with Tamil blood.

President Rajapakse is to meet the Iranians, Malaysia Prime Minister a country which illegally arrested K P and renditioned him to Sri Lanka, and another small Asian country while in New York. The Chancellor of Germany already refused to meet President Rajapakse in Germany, when he dropped by the country as an uninvited guest or tourist using his diplomatic passport. Quotes of the Editorial of 20th September 2010: “Ranil’s approach was in sharp contrast to how President Mahinda Rajapaksa handled the Co-Chairs and the other meddlesome members of the international community. The latter had the intestinal fortitude to stand his ground in the face of unbearable pressure they brought to bear on him in a bid to stop the war and rescue Prabhakaran and other LTTE leaders.

He went to the extent of avoiding telephone calls from the US State Department and the British government leaders. And the real objective of his visit to Jordan, while the war was raging, was to prevent the UNSG from coming here. When a powerful Indian delegation consisting of Foreign Secretary Shivshankar Menon, Indian National Security Advisor M. K. Narayanan and the then Indian High Commissioner in Colombo Alok Prasad, under pressure from Tamil Nadu, visited President Rajapaksa on April 24, 2009, and sought an immediate end to the final assault on the LTTE, he saw red. Exasperated beyond measure, he minced no words when he told the visiting Indians that even if India were to violate Sri Lanka’s air space and ‘drop lentil’ again–India, which saved Prabhakaran in 1987, had done by way of a dire warning during Operation Liberation in the North––he would go the whole hog to destroy the LTTE! Had he given in to Indian pressure and suspended the war, the international allies of the LTTE would have made use of the opportunity to rescue Prabhakaran. Let the UN be urged to appoint a panel to probe how Norway, the US and the EU manipulated the CFA to aid and abet the LTTE against a UN member State and, in the process, helped the outfit with the launching of its eelam war IV, which left thousands of people dead and about 300,000 others displaced.” A western diplomat commented that President Rajapakse’s behavior reminded him of Idi Amin’s era, or when President Saddam Hussein killed thousands of Kurds despite appeals of the international community. Sudan’s leader is another example.

Israel’s attacks on civilians with their relentless bombing in Lebanon and Gaza last year killed leass than 3,000 in the two wars compared to 40,000 Tamil civilians in a matter of weeks. Here are my thoughts on the issue: As to what an average Sri Lankan can do to prevent the annual tragedy of having to foot the bill of more than 130 persons visiting New York as part of President’s entourage is a question that many ask. It is the people of this country that pay for the accommodation, this time for 130 odd persons at Waldorf Astoria’ and a few other plush hotels, and also the other expenses incurred including ones on hired limousines. And there seems to be no end to this stately display of extravagance. It is common knowledge that the UPFA government is amply blessed with people who know exactly how to waste public money.

There are only less than half a dozen members who are capable of saving money while one or perhaps two have the ability to bring profit to state institutions. The rest just waste whatever that is there in the coffers, treating them as fortunes inherited from parents. How far this country can afford these Tamashas, by thick skinned people’s servants who make people look like fools, is indeed a question. Political wheeler dealers, good for nothing advisors and a few MPs who were recently bought over from the opposition are among the long lists of guests this time and one wonders what contribution they are capable of making to boost Sri Lanka’s image at the UN. Perhaps by making ours the biggest delegation to accompany a head of State to New York from this side of Asia. One certainly wonders what a head of State would expect by travelling with a massive entourage. Perhaps the size of the delegation gives a degree of confidence to the insecure ones. However one thought that the Sri Lankan President was supremely confident especially after the war victory. Or can that be a measure to show one’s gratitude to those who have been helpful. Well the list has more parasites than those who have made any solid contribution to the government. Whatever the reason, the size of the delegation has only gone to earn the apathy of the people. Surely this is not the Sultanate of Brunei and people expect accountability for public money. They fear that the continuing trend would lead to worse things.

Ian Kiru Karan becomes Hamburg minister

Ian Kiru Karan, Born in Point Pedro in 1939, went to Germany from the United Kingdom here he was studying in 1970 and built one of the world’s biggest container leasing companies in Hamburg.

He recently hit the headlines there when he was sworn as Economics Minister in that city state.

Karan began life in Germany as a dishwasher in a vegetarian restaurant and later joined a container company as a clerk before being promoted a manager due to exceptional ability.

He later went on to found his own business in 1977 earning the nickname "Container King" in the North Germany port city of Hamburg as his business prospered.

In a trade publication of the container industry, Karan revealed that when an American company head-hunted him at a time he was doing well in Hamburg, he demanded a salary of 10,000 (against the 2,500 he was earning then) meaning Deutsche Marks.

But the US company, thinking in terms of dollars, agreed to pay him US$ 10,000 which he says was an "obscenely high" salary at that time.

German Ambassador Jens Plötner last week commended the Lankan-born’s achievements.

"Germany is home of more than 60.000 Sri Lankans from all walks of life. All of them can be proud of Minister Karans’s achievements.

"Ian Karan is not only an immensely successful businessman and now one of Hamburg’s most prominent politicians. He has always been one of most philantrophic citizens of Hamburg contributing to many social welfare projects,’’ the ambassador said.

Kilde: The Island

Saturday, 16 October 2010

Dekkskifte! Tips og regler!

Tid for dekkskift – se tipsene!

Hva er reglene for mønsterdybde?

- På vinterdekk er minimumskravet til mønsterdybde 3 mm. (Naf anbefaler imidlertid min. 5 mm)
- Det skal være minimum mønsterdybde over ¾ av slitebanens bredde og rundt hele dekkets omkrets.

Hva er reglene for mønsterdybde?

- På sommerdekk er minimumskravet til mønsterdybde 1,6 mm. (Naf anbefaler imidlertid min. 3 mm)
- På vinterdekk er minimumskravet til mønsterdybde 3 mm. (Naf anbefaler imidlertid min. 5 mm)
- Det skal være minimum mønsterdybde over ¾ av slitebanens bredde og rundt hele dekkets omkrets.

Luft i dekk?

Dekktrykket er viktig med hensyn til kjøresikkerhet, komfort, drivstofforbruk og dekkslitasje. Ved mye last i bilen bør trykkes ofte økes noe, se bilens instruksjonsbok.

Kontroller derfor dekktrykket av og til, ca. hver annen måned.
Dekktrykket oppgis normalt i bar, kg eller psi (pound).

1 bar = 1,02kg
1 bar = 14,29 psi

Råd ved dekkskift?
- Sett bilen på et rett underlag – helst ikke på løs grus.
- Trekk til håndbremsen
- Ha en god jekk, plasser den riktig, se instruksjonsbok.
- Beveg deg aldri under en bil som kun står på jekk, kan føre til alvorlig klemmskader.
- Løsne hjulmuttere/bolter før bilen jekkes opp.
- Plassere hjulene riktig i henhold til ”rulleretning”. Noen dekk har piler/merke som viser rulleretning.
- Når du skal trekke til hjulbolter/muttere skal det trekkes til med oppgitt moment, som varierer noe fra bil til bil (ligger ofte mellom 90-120 nm.). Det anbefales å benytte en momentnøkkel eller momentstav.
- Sjekk lufttrykket.
- Etter noe tids kjøring bør du sjekke om hjulmutteren/bolter sitter.

Informasjon om piggdekkoblat

Praktiske tips om piggdekk og oblatordningen i storbyene.

Piggdekk kan brukes i tidsrommet 1. november til og med første mandag etter påske, unntatt i de nordligste fylkene hvor piggdekk kan brukes fra og med 16. oktober til og med 30. april.

I Oslo, Bergen og Trondheim må alle som kjører med piggdekk i samme tidsrom, betale gebyr innenfor nevnte kommunegrenser.

Hva betyr tall og bokstaver som står på dekksiden?
For eksempel om det står: 205/65R15 88H

205 = dekkets bredde i mm.
65 = dekkets høyde i prosent av bredden.
R = radial dek
15 = felgdiameter i tommer.
88 = belastningskode, hvor stor belastning hvert dekk tåler, 88 = 560 kg.
H = hastighetskode.

Kan jeg kjøre med piggdekk utenfor Norge?
Dette varierer fra land til land. Sjekk dette før du reiser.

Vi nevner kort landene vi oftest får spørsmål om
Danmark: Tillatt med piggdekk fra 01.11.-15.04. Alle hjul må i så fall være pigget.

Tyskland: Piggdekk er totalforbudt. Vær imidlertid klar over at det er påbudt å bruke vinterdekk i Tyskland dersom forholdene gjør det nødvendig.
Informasjon om piggdekkoblat

Praktiske tips om piggdekk og oblatordningen i storbyene.

Piggdekk kan brukes i tidsrommet 1. november til og med første mandag etter påske, unntatt i de nordligste fylkene hvor piggdekk kan brukes fra og med 16. oktober til og med 30. april.

I Oslo, Bergen og Trondheim må alle som kjører med piggdekk i samme tidsrom, betale gebyr innenfor nevnte kommunegrenser.

Hva betyr tall og bokstaver som står på dekksiden?

For eksempel om det står: 205/65R15 88H
205 = dekkets bredde i mm.
65 = dekkets høyde i prosent av bredden.
R = radial dek
15 = felgdiameter i tommer.
88 = belastningskode, hvor stor belastning hvert dekk tåler, 88 = 560 kg.
H = hastighetskode.

Kan jeg kjøre med piggdekk utenfor Norge?

Dette varierer fra land til land. Sjekk dette før du reiser.

Vi nevner kort landene vi oftest får spørsmål om:

Danmark: Tillatt med piggdekk fra 01.11.-15.04. Alle hjul må i så fall være pigget.

Tyskland: Piggdekk er totalforbudt. Vær imidlertid klar over at det er påbudt å bruke vinterdekk i Tyskland dersom forholdene gjør det nødvendig.

Les mer om piggdekk og gebyrordning her

Hvilke dekkdimensjon og hastighetskode skal jeg ha på min bil?

Det er bilens vognkort som forteller hvilke dimensjon og minimum hastighet / belastningskode du må ha på din bil, dekkdimensjonen kan forandres innenfor visse grenser. Informasjon om dette kan du få hos dekkforhandlere eller NAF.

På vinterdekk er krav til hastighetsmerking minimum Q dvs 160 km/t uansett hva som står i vognkortet.

Tabell for hastighetsmerking:
Hastighetsmerking Max fart km/t

L = 120 km/t
M = 130 km/t
N = 140 km/t
P = 150 km/t
Q = 160 km/t
R = 170 km/t
S = 180 km/t
T = 190 km/t
U = 200 km/t
H = 210 km/t
V = 240 km/t
W = 270 km/t
Y = 300 km/t
Z = over 240 km/t